1905년 혁명이후 상인⋅기업가 엘리트의 정치적 등장과 정체의식 －‘국가두마’ 참여를 중심으로, 1905∼1914－
- 1905년 혁명이후 상인⋅기업가 엘리트의 정치적 등장과 정체의식 －‘국가두마’ 참여를 중심으로, 1905∼1914－
- Other Titles
- The Russian Commercial-Industrial Elite in the Duma Politics after the 1905 Revolution: Endeavors for a Bourgeois Party
- Duma; the Union of Octobrists; the Progressists; Riabushinskii; Guchkov; the Bourgeois party; 두마(Duma); 10월 동맹당(the Union of Octobrists); 진보당(the Progressists); 랴부신스끼(Riabushinskii); 구치꼬프(Guchkov); 부르주아 정당(the Bourgeois party)
- Issue Date
- 서양사론, no.114, pp.253 - 298
- A most important question about the period 1906∼1914 during the experimentation of the state Duma, as an epoch-making constitutional parliamentary system introduced after the 1905 Revolution, is about the causes of ultimate collapse of the Russian liberal parties and of the abortion of the nascent bourgeois party of the Russian big commercial-industrial elite. Until recently the story about the bourgeois commercial-industrial groups in politics during the Duma order has rarely been explored.
The Russian commercial-industrialists had never been belonged to any leading elements of the Russian opinion society. In the aftermath of early industrialization, despite the great wealth, vitality and painstakingly acquired titles (such as honorary citizens); commercialindustrialists were always ostracized as a weak, secondary political/social element until 1905. They were perceived as the evil behind labor conflicts and domestic economic depressions. However, after the 1905 revolution the Russian commercial-industrialists found for the first time a favorable chance to articulate openly their threatened interests and to form their own independent and influential political faction (if not a party.) They could be considered equal with the gentry, the traditional domineering landed nobility and with the reform-mined or radical intelligentsia.
Under the enormously unfavorable and disadvantageous political and social milieu, the commercial-industrial entrepreneurial elite of Petersburg and Moscow managed to acquire certain attributes of a modern class after participating in a series of elections for the Duma deputies. They aspired to form a self-confident and independent bourgeois political faction and to function a part of educated society during the constitutional experimentation of 1906∼1914. In the newly formed political realignment in the Duma order, they strategically chose to support the “Octobrists” in the second and third Duma of 1907∼1912. The Octobrist program was favored by the majority of also from the Moscow entrepreneurial family. Octobrist, as moderate liberalists, still advocated an anti-revolutionary order and reformative stability. This suggested a reconciliation with “Tsarism.” But it proved a kind of historic gamble, because the Tsar never intended to keep his promise of “The October Manifesto” along the reformative lines.
While most of Duma deputies, rightist or leftist, were exhausted due to the Tsar’s anachronistically reactionary repression, younger entrepreneurial elites of Moscow, including P. Riabushinskii, A.
Konovalov, S. Trtiakov, N. Morozov and S. Chetverikov attempted to form the new party, the “Progressists”. This party included the more combative elements of the moderate liberalists in the Duma of 1912∼14. The Progressists were positioned between the Octobrists and the Kadets. From this alliance the industrial elites envisioned the evolution of the bourgeoisie as a powerful modernizing political group and the promising naissance of an independent bourgeois party in the future. They defended constitutionalism, liberal nationalism, and interests of the industrial class. They audaciously maintained in the fourth Duma that the fate of Russian liberalism, and indeed of the nation itself depended on the bourgeoisie, and “Tsarism” became the chief obstacle to progress. They aspired that the commercial-industrial class could realize a historical mission to struggle against the inadequacies of “Tsarism”. The purposes were to strengthen the economy, to make the country a stronger military power and finally to modernize Russia. But under the process of social and political disintegration, with the industrial elites embittered, even the Progressists failed to get the opposition “moderate liberal” majority to press the Tsar to consent to the sharing of power and to perform reformative policies.
During the revolution of 1917, the Kadets called the commercialindustrial elites to become important allies by participating in the provisional government. It was a surprising and symbolic landmark for the Russian commercial-industrial groups. They got a final chance to play a more active role in shaping political life along with its exalted historical mission, to challenge the traditional archaic order and to make Russia a strong and industrialized country.
However, this came too late to reverse the tide of the total disintegration of the social order. Finally, under the crisis of war and continuous popular uprisings, the endeavors of the commercial-industrial elites to form an independent bourgeois party ended in October 1917.
- Appears in Collections:
- 문과대학 > 역사학과 > Articles
- Files in This Item:
There are no files associated with this item.
- RIS (EndNote)
- XLS (Excel)